Suchergebnisse

The ways in which various authors depict social and political changes through examples from the first half of the 20th century make the subject of this analysis. The discourse on fascism springs from often-used motifs or ideas that, even after being abandoned to oblivion, seem to resurface under a certain type of conditions. Publications that are re-issued on the topic, portray the beliefs, movements and events that preceded World War II in ways that appeal to the contemporary reader. They also propose a framework or cognitive structure that allows the readers to diagnose the current state of affairs. In particular, narratives showing coincidences, that is, the simultaneous concurrence of factors or events in the past and now, are used to demonstrate the similarity of contemporary and historical situations. The proposed framework allows us to understand the possible consequences of the economic crisis, structural inequalities, changes in communication and leadership styles. At the same time, this research explores how dwelling on these inhibits the creation of new concepts that more appropriately define the social and political realities of the 21st century.

The terms "politics" and "the political" have been conceptualised, used, and understood differently in modern Polish political science and theory over the past 50 years, having been featured in a long list of books and scholarly articles. In addition to an overview of major initiatives, conferences, and discussions around these terms, the article includes a discourse analysis prepared with qualitative research tools. The purpose of the discourse analysis is multifold. First, it aims to map the presence of these terms in the discourse of modern Polish political science and theory. Second, it aims to identify to what extent the Polish discourse has been influenced by authors such as Carl Schmitt or Chantal Mouffe, and to what extent the two terms were conceptualised in an original way, proper to the Polish social science discourse. Third, how often scientists have used the words that were associated with the conflict.

W siedmiu kadencjach polskiego sejmu po 1991 r. i w sejmie kontraktowym nie było reprezentacji kobiet tożsamej z podziałem społeczeństwa według płci. Statystycznie we wszystkich kadencjach było 18% parlamentarzystek. Przedmiotem analizy w prezentowanym materiale są determinanty, które ograniczają lub przeciwnie – uprawdopodabniają szanse wyborcze kobiet na polskiej scenie politycznej, a dokładniej w jednej z izb parlamentarnych, w sejmie. Wśród przywoływanych czynników są zmienne demograficzne dotyczące m.in. miejsca zamieszkania, wieku, wykształcenia, dalej zmienne związane z kontekstem politycznym, reprezentowaną partią lub grupą wyborców, prowadzoną kampanią wyborczą, ale także dotyczące życia prywatnego, rodzinnego. Źródłami pozwalającymi weryfikować hipotezę o niemerytorycznych ograniczeniach szans wyborczych kobiet są biogramy parlamentarzystek, archiwa sejmowe rejestrujące formy aktywności parlamentarnej oraz wypowiedzi prasowe. ; During seven terms of the Polish Sejm after 1991, as well as in the Contract Sejm, there was no representation of females that would reflect gender division in society. Statistically in all the terms, women constituted 18% of all members of parliament. The subject of the analysis in the presented material are determinants limiting, or, on the contrary, substantiating women's electoral chances in the Polish political landscape; more precisely, within one of parliamentary chambers, namely Sejm. The mentioned factors include demographic variables involving, among others, place of residence, age, education, as well as variables regarding political context, represented political party or voter groups, a conducted electoral campaign, but also those concerning private, family life. Biographies of female members of parliament, Sejm archives registering the forms of parliamentary activity and press releases constitute the sources that allowed to verify the thesis regarding non-factual limitations of women's electoral chances.

The subject of analysis concerns forms and means of communicating political views by political groups with contrasting approaches, their visual representations. A lot is happening in the municipal sphere (and public in general), but only some of its elements are visible and only some confirm the divisions within the society, diverse interests of groups and classes, social inequality. The symbolism is highly interesting, although it has been discussed multiple times already. The use of available resources and the more or less noticeable artistry (or, on the contrary, triviality, kitsch) also draw attention. We can see people, draped monuments, posters and banners, effigies and representations of a non-figurative nature. It is all about raising interest, specifying identity, building alliances and a supporting auditorium. The aesthetics is to boost or disrupt, use its sociotechnical value. Writings on the walls have political content and various fonts, they appear in unexpected places. There are also differences in the visual reception of various audiences – participants of the events, municipal service forces, media representatives, engaged Internet users (engaged because they use the broadcast for agitation), even artists view the circumstances differently.

The subject of analysis concerns forms and means of communicating political views by political groups with contrasting approaches, their visual representations. A lot is happening in the municipal sphere (and public in general), but only some of its elements are visible and only some confirm the divisions within the society, diverse interests of groups and classes, social inequality. The symbolism is highly interesting, although it has been discussed multiple times already. The use of available resources and the more or less noticeable artistry (or, on the contrary, triviality, kitsch) also draw attention. We can see people, draped monuments, posters and banners, effigies and representations of a non-figurative nature. It is all about raising interest, specifying identity, building alliances and a supporting auditorium. The aesthetics is to boost or disrupt, use its sociotechnical value. Writings on the walls have political content and various fonts, they appear in unexpected places. There are also differences in the visual reception of various audiences – participants of the events, municipal service forces, media representatives, engaged Internet users (engaged because they use the broadcast for agitation), even artists view the circumstances differently.

Purpose: The objective of paper is to consider transaction cost theory to analyse and improve local government operations during the SARS-COV-2 pandemic. Design/Methodology/Approach: The article was prepared according to a neo-institutional approach, combining systemic, institutional and comparative methods. Findings: Public forms of performing public tasks (budgetary establishments and budgetary units) at the local government level during the Covid-19 pandemic enable the restoration of the quality of public services and counteract speculation in the market of public goods and services. Practical Implications: The paper presents a universal mechanism for selecting organisational forms of performing public tasks based on transaction cost theory that can be used by local authorities, civil servants and public sector experts alike during the Covid-19 pandemic. Originality/Value: The comparison of public task forms with private ones highlighted the important role played by local government in rebuilding the market of public goods and services during the Covid-19 pandemic. ; peer-reviewed